The UK and world must act to stop Israeli Apartheid – Middle East Monitor

Whether or not Israel’s government goes right on through with the annexation of any area of the occupied West Bank starting in July as the newly formed Israeli government has declared, something is clear, this is not an existential threat to the Palestinian people.

It is definitely an existential threat to the two-state solution.

The land and folks of Palestine won’t disappear. Occupation, colonisation and discrimination might continue. But our national identity, ancient civilisation and historical narrative will continue undimmed. So will our struggle for freedom, justice and rights.

What can happen is that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will secure your own gain at the cost of the location and the world. Because annexation may be the final nail in the coffin for hopes of a two-state aim solution.

Moreover, if Israel gets away with it, it’s at the expense of global order and justice everywhere.

This is a cost the Palestinian leadership and people are determined shall maybe not be paid by future generations. We look to world countries for help, but we have been not standing still.

Webinar – Israel: Annexation, Apartheid & the Media

We took steps already and have decided to just take more.

We are also not by yourself. Netanyahu’s stated intention to begin annexation has set the world scrambling to unite in opposition.

Indeed, Prime Minister Boris Johnson spoke for the vast majority of world leaders when that he recently told the UK parliament that annexation amounted to a breach of international law to which he “strongly” objected.

But neither the Prime Minister nor any other leader has specified what measures they will just take to prevent Israel from breaking that a lot of foundational element of international law that prohibits the acquisition of territory by force.

What’s more, the issue of annexation in addition has functioned as a diversion: The discussion has been about how to prevent annexation when it must be about how to end occupation.

This is classic Israel. Move the goalposts, then reap the plaudits when returning to somewhere close to the starting position. They’ve done it with the illegal settlements for years.

Even if annexation does not just do it, that only takes us back to a status quo where Israel has imposed geographic and demographic fragmentation on our people and land with ever-deepening occupation and colonisation.

The solution can not simply function as the status quo. It has to be saving a two-state vision for peace.

And here is the real dilemma that confronts Palestinians and the world: Twenty-seven years after the Oslo Accords that was meant to find a negotiated two-state solution, a broad Israeli unity government has instead committed to unilateral annexation of significant swathes of occupied territory, efficiently nulling all previous agreements with the PLO.

It has done so according to a White House plan that also stipulates that Israel maintains “overriding security control” total territory west of the River Jordan.

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Taken together, this is a direct contradiction to the premise that underpinned not just Oslo, but international resolutions that led to Oslo and every negotiation since: the principle of a negotiated two-state partition based on 1967 borders.

What is at stake here is the very two-state paradigm.

That ‘s Palestine rejected the united states plan. It was not only because it was a bad deal but it undermines the foundation of 30 years of two-state peace-making.

It is why President Mahmoud Abbas has declared, upon announcement of the Israeli government that it plans to annex occupied Palestinian territories, that Palestine is absolved of most agreements with Israel and is finished all contacts with Israel and the united states administration.

This is a moment of truth, for us and the world. Either we double down on our efforts to achieve a two-state outcome or we go back to the pre-1993 dynamic.

And if Israel annexes even an inch of territory that is where we shall go.

Let me be clear: We do not want to disband the Palestinian National Authority. The PNA is a hard-won achievement taken care of in decades of struggle.

But it’s also not an end up in itself. The PA is meant to be considered a precursor to a state and we will maybe not let it turn into a rope for the own necks.

We carry on to suggest ways forward, including calling for a multilateral peace-making mechanism centered on international law and the Arab Peace Initiative.

We do so because we still find it still possible to save yourself the two-state vision.

But it will necessitate an urgent and real international commitment that pre-emptively confronts Israel with specific consequences for the actions, including ramifications for political and trade relations as well as sanctions.

It will include the immediate recognition of the State of Palestine on 1967 borders to redress only a little the balance of power between your sides and pave the way in which for meaningful resolution.

It should be undertaken in the understanding that Palestinian rights are enshrined in international law. Ignore them and you ignore the rules-based international order.

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Peace can never be imposed. It is an results of fulfilling peoples’ legitimate grievances and aspirations. That is really a matter of when not if.

Netanyahu has ensured his political survival and continued immunity from prosecution on corruption charges. He has deflected talk of ending occupation.

But this is a shallow kind of victory that will come at the expense of an international system that has largely made the world a less violent place for 70 years.

As one of many prime architects of the international order, the UK can and should have a leading role to save yourself it.

In 1917, the UK authored the Balfour Declaration. That contributed directly to the ongoing suffering and dispossession of the people of Palestine. The UK includes a special responsibility to make sure that that injustice does not resolve itself in to the kind of vulgar apartheid that Israeli government is proposing.

The views expressed in this specific article belong to the author and do not fundamentally reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.